TheologianPersia

Al-Ghazali

Philosophy's prosecutor, who found certainty beyond proof

9 works · 1,400 passages grounded

Lifespan
~1058–1111
School
Kalam
Also known as
Algazel · Abu Hamid al-Ghazali · Al-Ghazzali
Wikipedia

The mind

In 1091 Niẓām al-Mulk, chief minister of the Seljuq sultans who then held power in Baghdad, gave the chair of his college there, the Niẓāmiyya, to a jurist from Ṭūs in Khorasan. Abū Ḥāmid al-Ghazālī had trained at Nishapur under al-Juwaynī, the leading theologian of the Ashʿarite school, and the post placed him at the centre of Sunni learning. Sunni doctrine then faced two challenges at once. The Ismāʿīlī Shiites, who backed a rival caliph in Cairo, taught that truth could come only from an infallible imam. The falāsifa, philosophers in the line of Aristotle and above all of Avicenna, claimed to prove by strict demonstration that the world had no beginning and that God knows things only in general. Al-Ghazālī answered both. He is remembered for two moves that seem to pull apart: he turned the philosophers' own logic against their proofs, then concluded that the certainty he wanted could not be reached by proof at all.

The first move is The Incoherence of the Philosophers, composed in Baghdad around 1095. Its charge is that the philosophers had not shown what they said they had shown. Of the twenty positions it examines, al-Ghazālī judged three to be unbelief — that the world has always existed, that God does not know particular things, and that the body is not raised at the resurrection — and at the end of the book, writing as a jurist, he ruled that anyone who taught them in public was an apostate who could be put to death. The book's most famous discussion is of cause and effect. When fire touches cotton, the cotton burns, but nothing we observe shows that the fire makes it burn; God creates the burning, and what we call nature is the order God usually keeps.

In Deliverance from Error, his account of his own development, al-Ghazālī says he read the philosophers on his own for two years and wrote his refutation in a third. Modern scholars read this as a defence against critics: in their view he met these ideas much earlier, under al-Juwaynī, whose works already show Avicenna's influence. He kept what he could use. In Miʿyār al-ʿilm, "The Standard of Knowledge", he taught Aristotle's logic to theologians as a tool, and through him that logic entered the religious sciences for good.

The second move came in the same years. By his own account, he had once doubted the senses and even reason, and certainty returned to him not as the end of an argument but as a light that God cast into his breast. He then tested the theologians, the philosophers, the Ismāʿīlīs and the Sufis (the Muslim mystics) and found that only the Sufis had what he lacked: knowledge gained by practice and direct experience. He came to judge, he writes, that his teaching served his reputation rather than God. In 1095, after some six months of indecision, his tongue failed at the lectern and his doctors told him the illness was in the heart. He announced a pilgrimage to Mecca, went instead to Damascus, and lived there in seclusion, by his own report spending his days in a minaret of the great mosque with the door shut. In 1096, at the tomb of Abraham in Hebron, he vowed never again to serve a ruler or teach at a college paid for by the state.

The book of those years is the Iḥyāʾ ʿulūm al-dīn, The Revival of the Religious Sciences: forty books that set the inner life (sincerity, patience, love of God, the remembrance of death) beside the law that governs outward acts. In 1106, at the start of a new Islamic century, he broke his vow and returned to teaching at the Niẓāmiyya of Nishapur. He cited widespread confusion about religion and pressure from the court; a saying of the Prophet promises a renewer of religion at the turn of each century, and he counted himself as one. Critics at Nishapur charged that the Revival was tainted with philosophy, and in al-Andalus, chroniclers report, the Almoravid ruler had copies burned at Córdoba, an event most often dated to 1109. He died at Ṭūs in December 1111.

Latin Europe knew him as "Algazel" through a single book, Maqāṣid al-falāsifa, "The Aims of the Philosophers", his summary of Avicenna's teaching. The translators at Toledo left out the lines in which he said he was only reporting, so Algazel passed for a faithful follower of Avicenna, and the book became a main source on the Arabic philosophers for Thomas Aquinas and his teacher Albert the Great. Averroes, the Andalusian philosopher, answered the Incoherence point by point in The Incoherence of the Incoherence, and many Western readers accepted the reply's verdict that the original was not philosophy. Whether his attack ended serious philosophy in the Islamic world is still argued; historians of Islamic philosophy point to the philosophers who wrote after him. Among Muslim theologians his rule for a conflict between reason and the literal word of scripture, that where a proof is truly demonstrative the word must be read figuratively, was accepted almost everywhere, and he is still called Ḥujjat al-Islām, the Proof of Islam.

Key concepts

Who were the falāsifa that al-Ghazālī argued against?

The falāsifa were the philosophers of the Islamic world who followed Aristotle as Avicenna had recast him. They held that strict demonstration, a proof from certain premises, could settle questions about God, the soul and the world. Al-Ghazālī did not reject them wholesale: he accepted their mathematics and their logic and attacked their metaphysics, where he argued that their proofs did not reach the certainty they claimed.

What separates unbelief from a mere error, in al-Ghazālī's view?

An error contradicts a sound argument; unbelief contradicts what the Prophet plainly taught. Of the twenty philosophical positions he examined, al-Ghazālī judged most to be errors or innovations, some of them close to what the Muʿtazilites, a rival school of Muslim theologians, taught. Only three counted as unbelief: that the world has always existed, that God does not know particular things, and that the body is not raised. Each denies outright something scripture states without any figure of speech.

When may a verse of scripture be read figuratively?

Only when a real proof shows that its literal sense is impossible. Reason shows that God has no place and no body, so verses that speak of his hand or his throne are read as images, as Arabic speech often uses images. Where no such proof exists, the words stand as written. That is why al-Ghazālī reads talk of God's hand as an image but the bodily resurrection as fact.

What is taʿlīm, the authoritative teaching he rejected?

Taʿlīm was the Ismāʿīlī doctrine that religious truth can be learned only from an infallible imam, because human reasoning disagrees endlessly. Al-Ghazālī answered that a person cannot know a teacher is infallible without already reasoning, so the doctrine undercuts itself. In its place he offered scales of reasoning, rules anyone can learn and check, which he found already at work in the arguments of the Qurʾān.

Why does al-Ghazālī keep both the outward and the inward meaning?

Because each without the other is a one-sided error. The outward is the literal command, the act the body performs; the inward is what the act signifies for the heart. When Moses is told to take off his sandals, al-Ghazālī holds that he really took them off and also understood a hidden meaning. Those who keep only the letter miss the point; those who keep only the meaning drop the practice.

Why does al-Ghazālī call knowing God the greatest pleasure?

Because every faculty delights in doing what it was made for. The eye enjoys beautiful sights and the ear harmonious sounds; the heart, the knowing self, enjoys learning things as they truly are. The more exalted the thing known, the greater the delight, and nothing is more exalted than God. So the highest human pleasure is knowledge of God, which also explains why that knowledge, once tasted, turns into love.

Themes of the Mind

Concepts that recur together across the corpus held here, gathered into themes and ordered by how much of this philosopher's writing each one occupies.

Proof on Trial

Had the philosophers really proved that the world has no beginning and that God knows only in general? He answers that they had not, and that their own standard of proof convicts them.

He did not attack philosophy from outside. Having first set out Avicenna's system without objection, he held its metaphysics to the standard it set itself, strict demonstration, and found the proofs short of it: on the eternity of the world, on God's knowledge of particular things, on the soul's return to a body. Mathematics and logic he left standing. The narrowness is the force of the charge. A doctrine that has not been demonstrated has no right to overrule revelation, and three of these, he judged, were unbelief.

  • metaphysics
  • demonstration
  • creation
  • eternity
  • time
  • divine knowledge
  • divine will
  • necessity
  • emanation
  • bodily resurrection

What Reason May Overrule

When a proof and the plain words of scripture collide, which gives way? A real demonstration wins, he holds, and so everything turns on what may count as one.

Scripture cannot contradict a sound proof. Reason shows that God has no place and no body, so the verses that seem to give him either are read as figures of speech. But the rule cuts both ways: a claim to proof must be checked by a standard anyone can learn, not by the authority of whoever makes it. Hence his lessons in Aristotle's logic for jurists and theologians, and his refusal of the Ismāʿīlī teaching that truth comes only from an infallible imam.

  • reason
  • logic
  • scriptural interpretation
  • revelation
  • religious authority
  • syllogism
  • legal reasoning
  • analogy
  • fallacies
  • faith

Certainty Beyond Proof

Why would the sharpest logician of his day rank proof below experience? Because a proof can keep error out, he argues, but it cannot hand over the thing it is about.

Demonstration was never his enemy. He used it to clear away false claims, and he taught it to others. What it could not do was give him certainty about reason itself, since every argument for reason already relies on it. When certainty returned, by his own account, it came as a light God cast into his breast. From then on he set three ways of holding a truth one above another: accepting it on trust, seeing it proved, and knowing it by direct experience, which the Sufis called taste.

  • certainty
  • skepticism
  • epistemology
  • knowledge
  • intellect
  • inspiration
  • spiritual knowledge
  • mysticism
  • prophecy
  • light

Where Worth Is Decided

What is a right action worth if the motive behind it is wrong? He makes the motives of the heart a field of knowledge as exact as the law of outward acts.

The law can judge only what the hand does. Whether a prayer, a gift or a lecture is worth anything depends on what moved it, and motives hide even from the one who has them. He turned the diagnosis on himself: his own celebrated teaching, he concluded, served his reputation rather than God. The cure he describes is not more learning but practice, slow work on desire, anger and attention until the heart wants what the mind already knows is good.

  • heart
  • moral psychology
  • intention
  • desire
  • anger
  • virtue
  • self-knowledge
  • self-discipline
  • temptation
  • spiritual discipline

Living Toward the Return

What is a life for, if death is a passage rather than an end? Every pleasure and possession, he holds, must be measured by what it will be worth on the far side.

Happiness, as he understands it, is knowing and loving God, begun in this life and completed after it. The body and the world are the means, which is why neither is despised and neither may become the goal. Whatever a person loved most here goes with them, as delight or as torment. Against the philosophers, who granted the soul's survival and denied the body's rising, he held that the whole person returns, so the account is kept with a someone, not a pure mind.

  • afterlife
  • death
  • happiness
  • soul
  • body
  • divine love
  • wealth
  • attachment
  • pleasure
  • worship

By the numbers

works held
9
passages traced
1,400
concepts traced
1,007
thematic clusters
5

Concepts that travel together

The wheel takes the leading concepts of these writings and shows how often they come up together. The wider the band between two, the more passages speak of both. Among them, most often together: “epistemology” and “logic”.
Concept co-occurrence, strongest first 8 concepts, joined by 24 pairings. 89 pairings reach beyond these concepts and are not drawn.
ConceptPaired conceptShared passages
epistemologylogic26
causationmetaphysics19
causationlogic18
epistemologyknowledge17
epistemologyperception16
epistemologyreason15
knowledgereason13
afterlifeknowledge12
knowledgeperception9
knowledgelogic8
perceptionreason8
causationepistemology5
causationknowledge5
epistemologymetaphysics4
metaphysicsreason4
afterlifeepistemology3
afterlifereason3
causationperception3
knowledgemetaphysics3
logicperception3
metaphysicsperception3
afterlifeperception2
logicmetaphysics2
logicreason2

The arc of a career

A cell's weight is that concept's share of the work's passages, so a column can be read downwards as well as a row across. Densest: logic in The Just Balance, 44%.

Density 0% 44%

Concept density per work, chronological 9 works, in the order they were written. 8 concept columns, ranked by total weight. 102 further concepts fall outside the columns shown.
WorkYearknowledgeepistemologylogiccausationmetaphysicsafterlifereasonperception
Deliverance from Error13.3%26.7%2.2%0%2.2%4.4%15.6%2.2%
مقاصد الفلاسفة5.7%7.4%14.8%24.3%13%1.3%0.4%6.5%
The Alchemy of Happiness9.8%4.5%0%3%2.3%27.8%6.8%1.5%
ميزان العمل21.2%3%1%0%2%13.1%10.1%1%
The Incoherence of the Philosophers8.1%1.2%1.6%34%10.1%4.5%0.8%4.5%
The Just Balance4%25.3%44%9.3%6.7%0%6.7%2.7%
The Marvels of the Heart13.2%7.4%0%0%1.7%4.1%9.9%6.6%
The Niche of Lights19%13.8%0%6.9%17.2%3.4%1.7%20.7%
The Standard of Knowledge8.5%11.3%30.7%10.2%7.2%0%4.1%4.8%

Works held

Titles in your language, the original beneath in brackets; “lit.” marks our own translation where no English edition exists. Side chips show which full texts are held.

  1. Deliverance from Error (المنقذ من الضلال)

    An intellectual autobiography, written at Nishapur after his return to teaching in 1106; Claud Field's Confessions of Al Ghazzali first brought it into English in 1909.

    EN
  2. The Alchemy of Happiness (Kīmiyā-yi Saʿādat)

    His major work in Persian, written around 1105 for readers without Arabic, and a shorter companion to the Revival of the Religious Sciences.

    EN
  3. The Incoherence of the Philosophers (تهافت الفلاسفة)

    The book by which he is known in philosophy, finished in Baghdad in January 1095, months before he gave up his chair there and left the city.

    AR
  4. The Just Balance (القسطاس المستقيم)

    One of several answers to the Ismāʿīlīs, this one cast as a dialogue on the road; his autobiography points readers to it instead of repeating its case.

    AR
  5. The Marvels of the Heart (كتاب شرح عجائب القلب)

    The twenty-first of the forty books of the Revival of the Religious Sciences, and the ground for the books on vices and virtues that follow it.

    AR
  6. The Niche of Lights (مشكاة الأنوار)

    Among his late works, and the one in which his thought comes closest to the mystics: three chapters on a single verse of the Qurʾān and a single saying of the Prophet.

    AR
  7. The Standard of Knowledge (معيار العلم في فن المنطق)

    Written after The Incoherence of the Philosophers to explain the philosophers' technical vocabulary to its readers, and to give jurists and theologians a test for their own arguments.

    AR
  8. lit. The Aims of the Philosophers مقاصد الفلاسفة

    A report before a refutation: Avicenna's system set out without a word of objection, then framed by a short preface and ending that point ahead to The Incoherence of the Philosophers.

    AR
  9. lit. The Scale of Action ميزان العمل

    The second half of a pair: having set a standard for knowing in The Standard of Knowledge, he set one here for acting, still in Baghdad, around 1095.

    AR
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