WorkEdmund Burke

A Letter to the Sheriffs of Bristol on the Affairs of America

Addressed to two Bristol sheriffs while their city lost money on a war their own member kept voting against.

by Edmund Burke65 passages held

  • English, the original language, and your language
First published
(aged 48)
Original language
English

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Overview

Parliament suspended habeas corpus in 1777 for people seized at sea or outside the realm on suspicion of piracy or treason connected with the American war. It was a suspension aimed at a class rather than at the kingdom, and Burke — who had voted against it — thought that made it worse rather than milder. A general suspension is felt by everybody, which is why it is temporary; a partial one leaves the mass of Englishmen undisturbed, so nobody agitates for its repeal and the exception quietly hardens into a standing power over whichever people the government has placed outside the protection of the law. He set the argument out in an open letter to John Farr and John Harris, the sheriffs of the city he represented — a city whose merchants were by then losing money in the war and beginning to wonder about their member's persistent opposition to it. So the letter does two jobs at once, and softens neither: it is a constitutional argument, and it is an accounting to constituents who wanted the colonies beaten. Conciliation remains possible, the war remains unwinnable, and a state that has to treat a whole population as criminals has already admitted it cannot govern them. The distinction he drew has outlasted its occasion. A liberty withdrawn from a named category of persons is harder to recover than one withdrawn from everyone, and the point returns whenever a government builds a category its ordinary law does not reach.

Key concepts

Which act is the letter attacking, and whom did it reach?

The 1777 suspension of habeas corpus, which reached persons seized at sea or outside the realm on suspicion of piracy or treason connected with the American war. It withdrew a liberty from a named category of persons rather than from the kingdom. Burke had voted against it, and the letter is his account of why.

Why is this letter still quoted about emergency powers?

For the distinction it draws between the two kinds of suspension. One withdrawn from everybody is felt by everybody, which is why it stays temporary and gets repealed. One aimed at a class leaves most people undisturbed, so nobody agitates for repeal and the exception hardens into a standing power over whichever people the government has put outside the law's protection.

What does conciliation mean here, in 1777?

A political settlement with America, which the letter holds is still available at that date. Its premise is that the fighting cannot be won, so the remedy has to be political rather than military. Nothing sentimental carries it: force applied to a whole people turns every ordinary act of administration into prosecution, and prosecution is what a state does to those it has stopped ruling.

What holds an empire together, on this letter's account?

Consent. An empire on these terms is held by agreement, or else held expensively, briefly, and at the price of the constitution at home, which is what ties the American argument to the English one. A suspension aimed at people overseas is part of what the war is already costing Englishmen who have no part in it.

Why is the letter addressed to two sheriffs of Bristol?

John Farr and John Harris were the sheriffs of the city Burke represented, so a constitutional argument arrives as a report to the officers of his own constituency. Bristol's merchants were losing money in the war and had begun to wonder about a member who kept voting against it. The letter concedes them nothing, and three years later he declined the city's poll.

Themes of the book

What this book returns to, gathered into themes and ordered by how much of the text each one occupies.

A liberty withdrawn from a named few

Is a suspension that touches only some people milder than one that touches everybody? Burke argues the reverse: a general suspension is felt by all and repealed for that reason, while one aimed at a class leaves most Englishmen undisturbed and nobody with a motive to end it.

The 1777 act reached persons seized at sea or outside the realm on suspicion of piracy or treason connected with the American war — a category rather than a kingdom. Burke voted against it and then explained why the narrowness is the danger. What nobody feels attracts no agitation, and what attracts no agitation stays: the exception hardens into a standing power over whichever people the government has placed outside the law's protection. The distinction has outlived its occasion, and returns wherever a state builds a category its ordinary law does not reach.

  • habeas corpus
  • rule of law
  • liberty
  • freedom
  • treason
  • punishment
  • justice
  • coercion
  • constitutionalism
  • legitimacy

Treating a whole people as criminals

Writing in 1777, Burke holds that the fighting cannot be won and that conciliation remains open. A government able to proceed against an entire population only as criminals has already conceded that it cannot govern them.

Nothing sentimental carries this. Force applied to a whole people turns every ordinary act of administration into prosecution, and prosecution is what a state does to those it has stopped ruling — so the loss of America would be recorded in the courts before it was recorded in the field. The remedy is political rather than military, which is why conciliation stays on the table for as long as anyone will pick it up. Empire on these terms is held by consent, or held expensively, briefly, and at the price of the constitution at home.

  • empire
  • colonialism
  • war
  • civil war
  • civil conflict
  • rebellion
  • military power
  • political authority
  • political legitimacy
  • consent
  • war and peace
  • taxation

An accounting to constituents who disagreed

Addressed to two sheriffs of a trading city that was losing money in the war, the letter explains itself to electors whose interests its author's votes were damaging. It concedes them nothing.

John Farr and John Harris are named at the head of it, and the choice does work: a constitutional argument arrives as a report to the officers of the city that returned him. Bristol's merchants had begun to wonder about a member whose persistent opposition ran against the trade they were losing. Burke neither trims the case nor hides behind it, and the letter carries both jobs at once without softening either. Three years later he declined the city's poll rather than fight it on those votes.

  • dissent
  • public opinion
  • political trust
  • patriotism
  • political rhetoric
  • political judgment
  • political association
  • political prudence

Within this work

passages held
65
distinct concepts
171
by passages held, corpus-wide
#214

What this book thinks together

Every arc around the wheel is one concept in this book. A ribbon joins two the text reaches for together, and its width is how many of its passages hold both. Strongest: constitutionalism with legitimacy.
Concept co-occurrence, strongest first 8 concepts, joined by 6 pairings. 12 shared passages in all. 3 weaker pairings reach beyond these concepts and are not drawn.
ConceptPaired conceptShared passages
constitutionalismlegitimacy2
constitutionalismprudence2
constitutionalismtradition2
corruptionpolitical history2
electoral reformpolitical corruption2
prudencetradition2

Works held

The author's work in order, this book marked in place. Your-language title first, the original beneath it where the two differ; side chips show which full texts are held.

  1. 1756 A Vindication of Natural Society

    Published anonymously when its author was twenty-seven, and still argued over: a joke that a good many readers, then and since, have declined to take as one.

    EN
  2. 1757 A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of Our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful (A Philosophical Inquiry into the Origin of Our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful)

    The one sustained work of philosophy in Burke's output, written before Parliament took him and revised only once.

    EN
  3. 1761 Hints for an Essay on the Drama

    An application of the Enquiry's aesthetics to a working art, abandoned after a few pages.

    EN
  4. 1765 Fragments of a Tract Relative to the Laws against Popery in Ireland

    Begun in Ireland in the early 1760s from inside the administration that enforced the penal code, then set aside unfinished for the sake of a career in England.

    EN
  5. 1769 Observations on a Late Publication on the Present State of the Nation

    A line-by-line rebuttal of another man's pamphlet, and the piece that converted Burke from a literary reputation into the Rockingham Whigs' pen.

    EN
  6. 1770 Thoughts on the Cause of the Present Discontents

    The Rockingham Whigs' creed rather than one man's essay, circulated in draft for the party's approval.

    EN
  7. 1774 Speech on American Taxation

    The retrospective half of Burke's American case: where Conciliation proposes a settlement, this one explains how the quarrel was manufactured and by whom.

    EN
  8. 1774 Speeches at His Arrival at Bristol and at the Conclusion of the Poll

    Two speeches from one contested election in 1774 — the first on arriving mid-poll, the second on being declared elected — printed together ever since as a single statement.

    EN
  9. 1775 Speech on Moving His Resolutions for Conciliation with the Colonies

    Set as a school text in the United States for generations — and the speech where Burke stakes his whole case on describing a people rather than on a principle.

    EN
  10. 1777 A Letter to the Sheriffs of Bristol on the Affairs of America you are here EN
  11. 1780 Letters and Reflections on the Executions of the Rioters in 1780 (Letters and Reflections on the Executions of the Rioters in)

    Written in the weeks after the Gordon Riots for the ministers deciding how many rioters to hang, and never intended for publication.

    EN
  12. 1780 Speech at the Guildhall in Bristol Previous to the Late Election

    The far end of the story begun at Bristol in 1774: the same doctrine of representation, restated by a man who was about to give up the seat for having acted on it.

    EN
  13. 1780 Speech on a Plan for the Better Security of the Independence of Parliament and the Economical Reformation

    The high point of Burke's career as a practical reformer, and the rare instance of a proposal of his that became law — two years late, and in a smaller form than he moved.

    EN
  14. 1782 A Letter to a Peer of Ireland on the Penal Laws against Irish Catholics

    Prompted by the partial relief then before the Irish Parliament and addressed to the Catholic peer most inclined to be satisfied with it.

    EN
  15. 1783 Speech on Mr. Fox's East India Bill

    Where the case Burke had spent two years assembling was first made in public — the argument of his remaining years, delivered in support of somebody else's bill.

    EN
  16. 1784 A Representation to His Majesty

    A parliamentary address rather than a speech, drafted for a party that had just been destroyed at the polls, and published once the House declined to hear it out.

    EN
  17. 1788 Speeches in the Impeachment of Warren Hastings

    The labour of Burke's last fifteen years: a prosecution he lost, in a case that has outlasted its own verdict.

    EN
  18. 1789 A Letter to Charles-Jean-François Depont

    The seed of the Reflections, written a year earlier and at a fraction of the temperature — a private answer to the correspondent that famous book is still addressed to.

    EN
  19. 1790 Reflections on the Revolution in France

    The book the rest of this shelf is now read through, and the one that cost Burke his party, his closest friendship, and nearly every ally he had.

    EN
  20. 1790 Substance of the Speech on the Army Estimates

    The first of the French pamphlets: spoken in a supply debate that had nothing to do with France, nine months ahead of the Reflections.

    EN
  21. 1791 A Letter to a Member of the National Assembly

    The Reflections carried one step further — the same diagnosis, now with Rousseau named as the author of the disease and foreign armies proposed as the cure.

    EN
  22. 1791 An Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs

    The companion to the Reflections: where that book made the case, this one defends the man who made it — out of the Whigs' own precedents, and in the third person.

    EN
  23. 1791 Thoughts on French Affairs

    One of three memorials on France composed for the government rather than for readers, and printed by Burke's executors in the year he died.

    EN
  24. 1792 A Letter to Sir Hercules Langrishe on the Roman Catholics of Ireland

    Timed for a relief bill coming before the Dublin Parliament and addressed to the member who would carry it, in the hope of enlarging the bill before it passed.

    EN
  25. 1792 A Letter to the Right Hon. Henry Dundas with a Sketch of a Negro Code

    Not an argument but a covering letter with a draft statute attached — written around 1780, sent to a Home Secretary twelve years later, and never introduced anywhere.

    EN
  26. 1793 A Letter to Richard Burke on Protestant Ascendency in Ireland

    The Irish argument compressed into a single phrase — a companion to the Langrishe letters, and the one that goes after the vocabulary of the settlement rather than its law.

    EN
  27. 1793 Remarks on the Policy of the Allies with Respect to France

    The last of the three memorials Burke wrote for ministers on France, addressed to a government that took none of its advice, and printed after both the writer and the coalition were gone.

    EN
  28. 1794 Preface to the Address of M. Brissot to His Constituents

    Burke fronting somebody else's book — an English translation of a Girondin's self-defence, published the year after its author had been executed by his own revolution.

    EN
  29. 1795 A Letter to William Elliot

    The trial run for A Letter to a Noble Lord — the same posture at a smaller target, and not printed until after his death.

    EN
  30. 1795 A Letter to William Smith on the Subject of Catholic Emancipation

    A letter rather than a pamphlet, and the most compact statement of his religious settlement Burke ever managed — written while he still believed the Irish question would be settled in his lifetime.

    EN
  31. 1795 Fourth Letter on the Proposals for Peace with the Regicide Directory of France

    Numbered fourth and written first: a private version, addressed to a correspondent sacked that spring, of the case the Three Letters would put publicly a year later.

    EN
  32. 1795 Second Letter to Sir Hercules Langrishe on the Catholic Question

    Second thoughts to the recipient of a famous first letter, three years on, after Earl Fitzwilliam's recall had killed the measure it argued for.

    EN
  33. 1795 Thoughts and Details on Scarcity

    The nearest thing to a treatise on economics Burke ever wrote, produced as advice to a prime minister during a famine and printed three years after his death.

    EN
  34. 1796 A Letter to a Noble Lord

    A personal answer to a personal attack, written eighteen months after his son's death, and the most admired single piece of writing in Burke's output.

    EN
  35. 1796 Three Letters on the Proposals for Peace with the Regicide Directory of France

    Burke's last public argument, issued while the negotiation it attacked was under way, and in an eleventh edition before the year was out.

    EN
  36. Fragments and Notes of Speeches in Parliament

    Notes and unfinished passages that Burke preserved for a book he never wrote, printed after his death by his executors from the papers he left.

    EN
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